Military Regime loses grip over real news in Fiji

The long-MIA military regime mouthpiece, Sharon Smith-Johns wakes from her slumber long enough the grace the people of Fiji with her patronizing speech. 

For Jones to take the time to downplay information from blogs (while chastising what they do control ie the local media) in support of Bainimarama and their supporters only lends weight to what we know -- they no longer control the information that the masses have access to.

News Flash military regime: you never DID have total control over the hearts and minds of We The People.

SHARON SMITH-JOHNS
Permanent Secretary for Information, National Archives and Library Services of Fiji
‘Think Fiji First’
New Wing, Government Buildings
Tuesday. 31st May, 2011

First let me take this opportunity to thank you for your attendance.

I wish to address the issue surrounding media coverage regarding the ex soldier Ratu Tevita who is in Tonga awaiting extradition.

The media in New Zealand and to some extent Australia have helped fuel rumors regarding this person and the false accusations targeted at the Fijian Government and its citizens.

I must stress to you all that reading these anti Fiji blog sites is not a source of credible information, these sites are run by politically motivated individuals who are mostly failed politicians and a smattering of disgruntled journalists. The majority of those commenting are from overseas and not from Fiji.

These blog sites have nothing positive to contribute to the growth of Fiji. They propagate rumors and stir up emotions to destabilize this country. Suffice to say the local media have unfortunately fallen for this trap and have used false information to lend false credibility to these stories.

The media has been misled by these baseless reports and have been used as a tool to further the interests of this select group of people who have proven to be anti Fiji.

Let me draw your attention to some examples of this false reporting.

Reports have suggested that Fiji is currently under 24 hour military roadblocks and people must be very cautious when traveling to Fiji. This is totally misleading and malicious.

I also bring to your attention the recent report by a New Zealand journalist that states that Fiji will not be having elections in 2014. No one from Government made that statement, its false reporting and deliberately used to question Fiji’s commitment to holding elections. Let me state one more time, Fiji will go to elections in 2014; we have clearly said this time and again.

A direct consequence of this incorrect and unfair reporting is the upgrading of the Australian Government’s travel advisory. We all know that there are no road blocks – there is no trouble. I am sure those Australians currently on holidays in Fiji, or doing business can confirm this.  The unnecessary travel advisory will not only hurt the Tourism Industry but the people of Fiji.

Why can’t journalists in Fiji counter the overseas media and correct this misreporting, why are we not doing more to stop the spread of these intentionally damaging and spiteful rumors, you ladies and gentlemen know exactly what is going on in this country, you have the tools to inform the world of what is really happening on the ground in Fiji, please use your collective power to work together to build a better Fiji.

As the case of Ratu Tevita is before the courts there will be no further comment from the Government.

Let me urge the media to stop using any anti Fiji blog sites as a credible source of information.
Let me also urge you today to put Fiji first and report in a fair and balanced way.

Lastly let me urge you to be objective and ‘THINK FIJI FIRST’.

-Ends-

Adi Koila Nailatikau joins younger sibling Roko Ului Mara at Tongan Queen Mother Birthday Celebrations

Another interesting incident of the left hand not knowing that the right hand is doing where the illegal and treasonous military regime is concerned.

Despite the huffing, puffing and blustering from the illegal and treasonous Bainimarama against lauan chief Roko Ului Mara and the Kingdom of Tonga, the first lady see's fit to celebrate an undoubtedly auspicious occasion with Tonga along with other Polynesian leaders.

This is definitely an occasion of mixed signals to the people.

Adi Koila Nailatikau, the wife of illegal and treasonous President, Ratu Epeli Nailatikau is pictured below wearing pink while her brother sits directly opposite Princess Pilolevu.

At the Royal Palace on May 29, HM King George Tupou V (centre), with to his right, the Queen Mother Halaevalu Mata'aho, the Head of State of Samoa HH Tuiatua Tupua Tamasese Efi and his wife HH Masiofo Filifilia Tamasese, Paramount Chief Tufele Li'amatua, Secretary of Samoan Affairs and Mrs Tofiga Tufele, Princess Pilolevu and Ladu Adi Koila Nailatikau. From far left Lieutenant Colonel Taru Tevita Uluilakeba Mara, Hon. Fifita Tuku'aho, Prince Tu'ipelehake, Princess Mele Siu'ilikutapu,the Maori King Te Ariki Niu Tuheitia Paki and his wife Ariki Atawhai.

Another high level NZ, USA pow-wow on the horizon

The Foreign Ministers of both Aotearoa New Zealand and the United States of America have recently had a discussion in Washington about Fiji, notably the recent developments regarding Bainimarama's tiff with Tonga.

It is obviously a preparatory pow-wow for each of their bosses who will meet to discuss Fiji although in a larger regional context.

NZ PM to visit White House
May 18, 2011
NZPA

New Zealand Prime Minister John Key has been invited to visit United States President Barack Obama at the White House.

Foreign Minister Murray McCully announced the invitation on Wednesday (NZ/Australian time) after he met US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in Washington.

Back in New Zealand, Key said it was likely he would head to the US in the next couple of months.

"Hopefully we can make that happen, get a date that suits the president," Key said.

McCully said the traffic would be two-way, with a large US delegation expected for post Pacific Islands Forum dialogue in New Zealand on September 9.

He expected many in the group to come along to Rugby World Cup games.

McCully and Clinton also talked about New Zealand's role in Afghanistan and discussed Pacific affairs, including the latest Fiji controversy.

Questions have been raised about the Fijian regime's stability following public statements by ex-Fiji Royal Military Force chief of staff Lieutenant Colonel Ratu Tevita Uluilakeba Mara, who fled to Tonga after being charged with sedition.

Commodore Frank Bainimarama, Fiji's self-appointed prime minister who came into power following a coup in 2006, has declared the former army commander a fugitive and accused the Royal Tongan Navy of illegally picking him up in a patrol boat in Fijian waters last week.

Fiji has begun a legal process to extradite Mara.

Mara on Tuesday questioned why New Zealand and Australia were not doing more to stop the commodore.

McCully said Clinton was interested in New Zealand's perspective.

"They were happy to accept our interpretation that this meant things had become more difficult for the commodore inside Fiji, that one of his key players had deserted him for pretty solid reasons but also that we were going to need to see some common sense prevail to reduce tension within the region.

"To that extent, I think we all admire the very sensible stance being adopted by the Tongan Prime Minister who rather than being goaded into conflict is talking about proper legal process and independent courts."

McCully and US Secretary of Homeland Security Janet Napolitano signed a joint statement on global supply chain security.

The countries agreed to pursue customs and border initiatives aimed at protecting the supply chain system from terrorism.

McCully said New Zealand welcomed improved standards and practices around export supplies and border security.

The arrangement also streamlined international standards to facilitate trade and will further extend the recently improved Mutual Recognition Arrangement (MRA).

Under the MRA members of the New Zealand's Secure Exports Scheme have greater certainty about the movement of their goods through the United States border and quicker access to the United States market, a benefit that no other country in the world has.

Meanwhile, the US NZ councils in Washington and Auckland, at their annual meeting, unveiled a joint plan to guide their co-operation over the next three years.

The plan covers five areas: building on the momentum of the Partnership Forum; fostering closer economic ties; supporting the Trans Pacific Partnership; collaborating with APEC; and advancing strong regional alliances.

We don't want Fiji's coup loser: New Zealand Herald Opinion

By Brian Rudman
Brian Rudman is a Herald columnist focussing on Auckland issues
5:30 AM Wednesday May 25, 2011

The Government would have us believe New Zealand is already over-run with law-breaking scoundrels, so why is Prime Minister John Key even contemplating rolling out the red carpet for one from overseas?

One of the Fijian coup leaders, Lieutenant-Colonel Ratu Tevita Mara, has fallen out with his boss, Commodore Voreqe "Frank" Bainimarama, and slipped away to Tonga to escape his wrath.

Now safely closeted with his blue-blood cousins in the palace grounds in Nuku'alofa, he's hurling abuse at "Frank" while trying to win friends by claiming he's seen the error of his ways and is willing to return to take his medicine.

But not, it seems, the medicine his former chum, the dictator, has in mind.

While this inter-island slanging goes on, Mr Key says he's looking at removing Mr Mara from the blanket ban on members of the illegal Fijian regime entering New Zealand, imposed after the December 2006 coup.

In a remarkable piece of sophistry, Mr Key told Radio New Zealand on Monday that because Mr Mara was on the run, he was "no longer" a member of the regime, implying that he would therefore be free to enter New Zealand.

Only in the make-believe world of diplomacy double-talk could one accept the farce that Mr Mara was now acceptable as a visitor because he'd fallen out big time with his fellow coupsters, and had fled abroad to escape charges of sedition and attempted mutiny.

These charges arose from a trip to South Korea where he was overheard bad-mouthing the Fiji dictator to a fellow officer. But even if he is technically no longer a member of the illegal regime and therefore acceptable, he does have another hoop to leap through to escape the ban.

It is a hoop raised earlier by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The ban also covers those with family links to the regime, and his brother-in-law, Ratu Epeli Nailaitikau, happens to be President.

By canvassing the issue of asylum in public, the Government has made a rod for its own back.

Blogger "Coup Four and a Half" last week claimed that in an interview with the fugitive, when asked if he was seeking asylum in New Zealand, Mr Mara rather confusingly replied: "I have not made contact with New Zealand for over five years. I have definitely not spoken to anyone from the New Zealand Government in the last 14 days."

When told that it was being discussed in New Zealand anyway, he said he was "obviously pleased" to hear the news "but I have no plans to do so at this time".

If this is so, why are we putting the idea in his head and all but encouraging him to do so?

What sort of signal does this send to the real patriots in Fiji and elsewhere in the Pacific, struggling to restore or uphold their young and fragile democracies?

Mr Mara is of the Fijian nobility. Son of Fiji's founding father, Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, and related to the Tongan royalty, he was a top military commander who assisted his commanding officer to seize power four and a half years ago. He's one of the guilty men.

After he broke bail and fled to Tonga, he has denounced his coup colleagues with much vituperation. He has also tried self-justification.

In a statement from Tonga he says: "The army had a strict plan which was to remove corruption and corrupt politicians and to return to barracks within a year."

Referring to himself in the third person, he continued: "Lieutenant-Colonel Tevita Uluilakeba Mara was in charge of the 3 Fiji Infantry Regiment on that day and for the next four years. He witnessed from the inside how power has corrupted the key players in the regime and how now they have forgotten their original objectives as they desperately cling to power.

"Colonel Mara has left Fiji so that he can speak freely about the need for regime change in his beloved Fiji."

It's hardly a unique tale of woe. This is what inevitably happens when the military seize power. Whether Mr Mara was planning to pry power out of the hands of his commander, so he could have a turn ruling his beloved Fiji, or help restore democracy, we don't know.

In the dictatorship that is Fiji, all that matters is that his boss thought he was going to rat on him and, as a result, he's now cooling his heels in the luxury of King George's guest house.

He's even expressing contrition, saying: "When this hateful dictatorship has been eradicated, all of us who once served it shall answer to the Fijian people for the part we played and I will gladly submit to their verdict."

Hopefully he will have no choice in the matter.

Since Lieutenant-Colonel Sitiveni Rabuka marched into Parliament in 1987 declaring himself the saviour of the nation, Fiji has endured an epidemic of dictators.

Throughout the era, New Zealand has fought for the restoration of democracy.

Just because the latest bunch of dictators has fallen out doesn't mean the loser is welcome on our shores.

FNPF continues with their charade

Once again, the very recent attempts by the monopoly superannuation entity, Fiji National Provident Fund, to trump up attempts to "consult" did not miss the eyes of our real-politik economic expert, Prof Wadan Narsey.

True to Narsey's predictions made earlier this month, all the hype is aimed at attempting to soften the blow to all superannuation paying citizens, that our returns by way of reduced pension rates are going to happen.

Here's the real deal according to Narsey (bless his soul).

Fiji’s pension fund ship sinks lower with the coup burdens
12:35 May 26, 2011
Analysis – By Professor Wadan Narsey

The Fiji National Provident Fund management organised a symposium on the “future of the FNPF” last week.

Chaired and apparently dominated by an outside consultant, there was a public discussion of recommendations advocating changes to the FNPF structure, operations and pension rates at the symposium.

Similar recommendations had previously been made by other consultants from International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and International Labour Organisation, but none had the urgency that this last set has.

The FNPF plans meetings/symposiums at other centres in Fiji to convince stakeholders that the FNPF is not financially sustainable at the current pension rate of 15 percent (single) and must be reduced by a massive 40 percent to 9 percent (single).

The symposiums will also be encouraged to conclude that the contribution rate by employees should be increased from the current 16 percent of wages and salary to perhaps 20 percent, as other model countries in the world such as Singapore practice.

But these symposiums are all a big farce, a pretence at “public consultation”, much like the Charter Charade organised by regime leader Voreqe Bainimarama, John Samy and Petero Mataca.

The Bainimarama regime, which has appointed the new management and board, will make all the decisions.

Hiding reports
The FNPF management and board, under orders from the Bainimarama regime, will continue to hide all the reports that would reveal that the regime is itself directly and indirectly responsible for a large part of the mess that the FNPF is currently in and the urgency of needed reforms.

The regime will continue to milk the FNPF cow, which, with increased contributions and reduced payouts, will give them even more  of our savings to use ad misuse, however they wish.

Imagine if the major borrowers from Westpac or ANZ got a symposium together to tell all depositors that they must accept reduced rates of interest on their deposits because the banks would not be sustainable otherwise.

That is exactly what is happening now.  The biggest borrower from FNPF is organising the charade and will not allow the release of a single consultant’s report to the owners of FNPF.

The regime will not contemplate any weakening of its control of the board or any election of representatives by the FNPF stakeholders.

The contributors to FNPF, and the pensioners of FNPF, will have no choice in the matter.

With media censorship, these massive changes to the pension fund cannot be freely and publicly discussed.

But people can speak their mind at these Bainimarama/Khaiyum symposium charades that are going on.

And make demands that is their lawful right as owners of the FNPF. Even if they fall on deaf ears.

Why the reduction in pension rate?
For several years now, there have been studies done by IMF, World Bank, ILO and so on that argued that the FNPF could not sustain the 15 percent single pension rate over the long term.

And given the long term declining performance of the FNPF investments, the 15 percent pension rate may have been a little on the high side.  But we don’t know why.

For every FNPF management team and board for the last 15 years (including the appointees by Rabuka, Chaudhry, Qarase and Bainimarama) has arrogantly refused to make these studies public.

The public will not know whether the data and the analysis are accurate, and whether the recommendations are justified.

But they should know two reasons why the pension rates are being recommended to go down as low as 9 percent: first, the economic stagnation over the last four years directly caused by the Bainimarama coup of 2006; and second, FNPF’s disastrous investments and board decisions during the last four years of Bainimarama’s rule.

Bainimarama and his military officers, and all the coup collaborators, are partly to blame for the planned reduction in pension rates.

When Bainimarama and his Fiji Military Forces (our former security guards) treasonously took over the country in 2006, they also took over the FNPF.

Management, board changed
Without any reference to the owners of the FNPF, they changed the senior management and the board. They appointed new board members to all the FNPF subsidiaries like ATH and its subsidiary companies.

Some of these new board members made decisions which led to financial disasters such as the lost money through unwise loans and expenditure decisions at Natadola (more than $300 million?), Momi ($80 million?), GPH ($30 million?), FSC ($100 million?) and potentially other disasters such as at Tappoo City ($30 million?) and bad loans forced upon entities such as the Fiji Development Bank.

How much is the Bainimarama regime to blame?  We don’t know because they won’t release the reports on these financial disasters.

But we know for sure, the Bainimarama military regime has helped to destroy the sugar industry by turning down $300 million of European Union aid available in 2006 for the sugar industry reform and restructuring, and badly managing an $100 million Indian loan for FSC mill refit, which resulted in even lower milling efficiency.

We know that the Bainimarama regime has for five years freely run massive budget deficits because of huge over-expenditure on the military itself, all funded by increasing the public debt, largely financed with enforced loans from FNPF at low rates of interest (around 5 percent at the margin).

We also know that a few months ago, Bainimarama and Khaiyum, with the irresponsible complicity of ANZ,  showed their financial skills by proudly borrowing $500 million in foreign bonds at 9 percent while turning down an IMF loan at 2 percent (Yang, the IMF rep in Fiji stated there were very few conditions).

We know that with investments drying up because of Bainimarama’s arbitrary military decrees, there has been minimal economic growth, minimal job creation, minimal new contributors to the FNPF.

Lack of economic growth
The lack of economic growth has also meant that there are few bankable projects in the private sector for FNPF to lend to.

Instead, the FNPF has been forced by the Reserve Bank to bring back its income earning foreign investments, with the lost income going through the RBF into the control of the military government.

On the other side, the outgoings from the FNPF have been increasing not only because of pension or lump sums to be paid to those retiring, but also because of withdrawals by members for education and health reasons, due to increased hardship.

For many years the FNPF annual report used to state that their target earnings rate was 2 percentage points above the rate of inflation.

That statement is not made any more in the FNPF annual reports, because they have failed to achieve their target (what a pathetic management tactic: when you fail to achieve your KPIs, get rid of your KPIs!).

Indeed, for this year, the rate of inflation may be as high as 7% while the FNPF average return is less than 6%.  Our FNPF savings are going backwards.

As we have been warning since 2006, the FNPF is in deep trouble.

No transparency, no accountability
The FNPF annual reports, signed by the FNPF board and senior management all claim to be transparent and accountable to the FNPF members.

What a pack of lies.

For more than three years now, I have asked FNPF management to make available the reports by WB, IMF, ILO and other recent consultants, or the recent reports on the financial mismanagement of the investments at Natadola and Momi.

They have all bluntly refused- they are simply afraid to lose their jobs.

The Bainimarama/Khaiyum regime will not tolerate any transparency or accountability of the FNPF to the public, whatever are the lies they propagate in their People’s Charter.

Just as they refuse to make public the annual Auditor-General’s reports on the military government’s expenditure and revenues over the last five years; or to allow an audit of the regimental funds; or to explain why they are paying themselves more than half a million in salaries each through a private accounting firm.

Coup costs usually out of sight
When an economy suffers because of a military coup, it is difficult to identify and quantify the costs, especially when the economy recovers pretty quickly, as in 1987 and 2000.

But the economy has not recovered after the 2006 coup. Our 2011 GDP, even if we to manage the projected 2.8 percent growth this year, will just about recover to our GDP in 2006.

We have therefore lost four years of economic growth, costing us anywhere between $1 billion to $2 billion, not even including the huge losses in property values.

The banks know that many businesses, big and small, are struggling; FIRCA is struggling to increase revenues, despite the increase in VAT; many government ministries like  education and health are struggling to maintain their budgets; and there is little money available to fix up roads, water and sewerage.

Some may point to the increased numbers of beggars in the streets, despite official efforts to keep them out of sight; or the increased numbers of suicides and attempted suicides, or increased incidence of mental health problems.

But these costs are very difficult to quantify and relate to the 2006 coup.

Costs to FNPF now clear
Now FNPF contributors and pensioners (including coup supporters) will see very clearly how the military coup by Bainimarama and his supporters, are harming us.

Single pension rates will be reduced from 15 percent to 9 percent; double pension rates will be reduced from 12 percent to 7 percent.

This reduction in pensions will harm all civil servants, including all the treasonous military officers and soldiers who have conveniently forgotten their oaths of office, and blindly supported Bainimarama and his coup while enjoying their ill-gotten gains.

Existing pensioners (including coup supporters) will also know that their current pension rates will be reduced and capped: they can weep and wail all they like that FNPF signed and sealed a legal agreement with them, when they retired.

But evil people who can treasonously remove a lawfully elected government can also change the conditions of any legal contract: all they need is another military decree signed by the illegal military President, who many times has sworn sacred oaths on the Bible, to protect the people of Fiji.

We should know by now, that our basic human rights, such as the protection by law, freedom of speech and assembly, all mean nothing to Bainimarama, Khaiyum, Nailitikau, the military officers and illegal ministers in an illegal military government.

We should know by now that our basic human rights also mean nothing to the dozens of prominent businessmen, clergy, professionals, social leaders, and all the coup supporters and collaborators who have helped to legitimate and keep the Bainimarama regime in power since 2006.

We should known by now that the softening by our traditional donors and Australian “think tanks” towards the Bainimarama Regime is driven by their worries about China  displacing them in the Pacific, not so much our own welfare.

We are all on our own.  We can watch our FNPF be gutted.

Do we owners of FNPF, who have never protested against this evil regime, we who have continued to socialise and tolerate all the coup collaborators and supporters, deserve what we get?

Adam Smith’s selfishness not good for Fiji
In economics, there has been a very strong idea, originating from Adam Smith more than 200 years ago, that if every individual acted selfishly in his own self interest, the free market economy will perform efficiently to the ultimate benefit of everyone in the economy.

This principle is totally wrong in Fiji’s politics and society today.

It is abundantly clear that many of our people understand the evil consequences of this Bainimarama coup for Fiji and its people.

It is clear that they say nothing and do nothing because they think it is in their self-interest not to do so, in case they are personally victimised by the Bainimarama regime.

But if we all behave selfishly and refuse to oppose the treasonous Bainimarama coup; if all our military and police officers accept and obey their treasonous, illegal and immoral superiors;  if we all live in our business, professional, religious, social, and sports boxes and refuse to confront and ostracise the coup supporters and collaborators among us; then the resulting Fiji is going to be a nightmare for our citizens, especially the poorest among us.

Adam Smith’s advocacy of individual selfishness is proving to be disastrous for our FNPF, and for Fiji.

What are the options?
Who knows?  Perhaps even at this late stage in our demise as a free people, we might want to go to the FNPF symposium charade being organised by the Bainimarama/Khaiyum regime and:

1.    Demand the public release of all the reports by IMF, WB, ILO and recent independent consultants;

2.    Demand the release of all the reports on the investigation into the investments at Natadola,  Momi etc

3.    Demand that the majority of the FNPF board members must be democratically elected by the current FNPF contributors and with pensioners having separate elected representation.

4.    Demand that the chairman of the board must be from these elected members and definitely not some foreigner as currently.

5.    Demand that any decision on changes to the FNPF must be made by the elected board and not the current board and management.

6.    Demand that FNPF must be allowed to invest as much of its funds abroad as is prudently advisable and that RBF must recompense FNPF for all the lost earnings because of foreign investments brought back.

7.    Demand that the FNPF management swear oaths of allegiance to the real owners of the fund – the contributors and the pensioners – and not to a treasonous military government;

Also as part of our struggle to regain our basic human rights:

8.    Publish the full list of coup collaborators and supporters in Fiji and abroad, so that all FNPF contributors and pensioners can see who are collectively responsible, with Bainimarama and Khaiyum, for the massive blows to our pension fund;

9.    Start teaching our children to not take part in the daily charade by treasonous people illegally pretending to be  prime ministers, ministers, Attorney-General, President, and first ladies etc.

10.    Call on Australia and NZ to take sanctions against all their citizens who have supported the treasonous military coup in Fiji and the continuing plunder of the taxpayers of Fiji,  and the gutting of our FNPF.

11.    Appeal to those current and former military officers who have retained any vestige of allegiance to their military oaths, honor, ethics, and patriotism to call on Bainimarama and his ministers to resign from government and give it back to civilian rule – immediately, not in 2014.

If we continue to remain docile and quiet under oppression, we deserve everything we get, while condemning our children to a bleak future.

The reduction of FNPF pensions is just the beginning.

The Bainimarama/Khaiyum regime will have more nasty surprises for us, if and when they ever start reducing the public debt.

Dr Wadan Narsey is a professor of economics at the University of the South Pacific and a former National Federation Party parliamentarian.

No Fiji Team to Rugby World Cup

Yawn. Yes Tikoitoga - we knew the military regime led rugby body, Fiji Rugby Union (FRU), did "not have the money".

But we also knew that if the regime, in their dramatic but resource-intensive takeover of the FRU, could guarantee the illegal and treasonous Bainimarama (and his posse) front-row seats at the Rugby World Cup event this September, they would have no problem in re-arranging finances to get our team there, as they normally do when they pant after new friends.

The loser at the end of the day is rugby and all the die-hard fans in and from this country.

Rugby: Fiji 'can't afford to send World Cup team'
5:30 AM Sunday May 29, 2011

Fiji doesn't have enough money to send a team to this year's Rugby World Cup in New Zealand, according to local media reports.

Colonel Mosese Tikoitoga, head of the Fijian Rugby Union, said a report presented to the union's board by team manager Pio Bosco Tikoisuva showed that F$5 million ($2.8 million) was needed to properly prepare a team for the tournament starting in September.

Tikoitoga said the Fiji team had no major sponsor and the union was still in discussions with the government over its promised World Cup funding package of F$3m ($1.7m). He said a sub-committee had been formed to focus on the funding issue.

The government approved the release of the first F$400,000 ($220,000) of the promised World Cup fund last month but it is not clear whether the union had received the money or if the remainder will be paid. The government had used its offer of financial assistance to pressure the union to sack its previous board - which had been in dispute with the country's leaders over its management of a World Cup lottery.

All members of the previous board were voted out at the union's annual general meeting last month and a new board was installed, headed by Tikoitoga.

Fiji plans to hold its first trial for World Cup team places on June 3. It will then name an initial 50-man squad the following day.

Tikoisuva told the Fiji Broadcasting Corporation on Friday that the country has a greater depth of players than in the past and could potentially take its best team ever to the World Cup.

Fiji, which reached the quarterfinals of the 2007 World Cup in France, previously had trouble gaining access to its top players, particularly its best forwards playing for clubs in Europe or Japan. Tikoisuva said it seemed likely all of Fiji's overseas players will be available this year and there would be considerable competition for spots on the squad.

"That's the area that has been a concern for FRU for a long time," he said. "Overall, we have got a wider range of quality players to select from than the 2007 World Cup team."

Complicating matters, however, is the fact that New Zealand Prime Minister John Key said his government will not bow to pressure from the International Rugby Board to relax travel sanctions against Fiji during the World Cup.

After Commodore Frank Bainimarama seized power in the island nation in a 2006 coup, New Zealand imposed measures that prevent Fijian citizens with links to the military regime from entering the country. The sanctions would likely affect several Fiji rugby players. "Our view is that we want to see democracy restored in Fiji. This is the only thing that we've got that holds their feet to the fire," John Key said.

- AP

Chaudhry tries Mara approach

So. Mahendra is also beginning to spill a little (campaigns while he is at it), and joins the growing chorus of voices that naively think that Ratu Epeli Nailatikau, the illegal and treasonous President (who's blood ties to Tongan royal palace are thicker than his Mrs), will move a muscle.

Nailatikau will not move a muscle. Not even an iota.

We do wonder however if Chaudhry will get charged with seditious-ness a'la Mara or whether he will continue to exploit his capacity to be handled with kid gloves.

Fiji Labour Party calls for early return to democracy
Updated May 24, 2011 17:05:49

The leader of Fiji's Labour Party has called for fresh elections to replace the coup installed military government within a year and a half.

At the moment the interim government has said elections will be held in 2014.

But Labour leader Mahendra Chaudhry says President Ratu Epeli Nailatikau should initiate a dialogue to hasten the country's return to democracy.

He says the present regime has presided over worsening of the economy, poverty is rising and there is no national dialogue about Fiji's future direction.

Mr Chaudhry says he was initially in favour of the 2006 coup which brought military head Commodore Frank Bainimarama to power, but that's changed now.

Presenter: Bruce Hill
Speaker: Mahendra Chaudhry, Fiji Labour Party leader
Listen here.

CHAUDHRY: Well I left the interim government in August 2008 and I had my differences with them so we parted, and of course following the abrogation of the constitution in April 2009, things became progressively bad as far as I was concerned because of the question of Public Emergency Regulations being imposed, people's rights were affected as a result of that and there were excesses committed under that which of course was a major concern for the Fiji Labour Party. But we have drawn attention to the Prime Minister and also the President in writing about our concerns regarding the manner in which Fiji is being governed. In fact I wrote to the Prime Minister last year and then followed it up with a reminder but didn't get any acknowledgement. I followed that up with the President also in writing raising the same issues, and requesting an audience, but again I was disappointed that there was no acknowledgement about it in correspondence.

HILL: It's very difficult obviously to be in opposition in a coup-installed military regime isn't it?

CHAUDHRY: Well it is but we have to do our duty, we have to raise concerns for the people and this is what we did, so we cannot be accused of doing anything behind the backs of the authorities here. But at least we deserve a response I believe and we didn't get that.

HILL: Ratu Tevita Mara specifically says that a lot of the people, and he mentioned your name specifically, who initially supported the coup, now no longer do. Would you say that's a fair comment, are the people who initially supported the coup now backing away from it?

CHAUDHRY: Well we want to get back to democratic rule. My participation in the regime was on the basis of getting the country back to democracy as soon as possible, and you will recall that elections were then promised for April 2009 but that didn't happen. So as far as our participation was concerned it was not to stay their forever, but to set a framework for return to democracy and this hasn't happened and it's taking a long time.

HILL: Well elections are now promised for 2014, do you believe that those elections will be held? Is the Commodore sincere when he says that is when elections will be held?

CHAUDHRY: Well he has reiterated that on several occasions that elections will take place under the new constitution in 2014. There are some who don't believe him but we'll have to wait and see.

HILL: I guess I'm asking you if you believe it though?

CHAUDHRY: Well I have to take him on his word but at the moment there is not much in the way of preparation that I can see to meet that deadline. But according to him next year there will be a committee appointed to review the constitution, the new constitution is expected to be in place in 2013 and elections to be held under that constitution in 2014. By then they will have been in office for eight long years.

HILL: Let me put you on the spot to a certain degree and ask you a very direct question, do you support the continued existence of this coup-installed military government or do you think it's time to change to something else?

CHAUDHRY: No I think we need to get back to democratic rule as soon as possible and elections should be held as soon as possible and it can be done within 12 to 15 months.

HILL: How do you propose to do that though?

CHAUDHRY: It's not a question of how do I propose to do it, that is what we'd like to see happen, but we are not in control, somebody else is in control and he has set a deadline of 2014 so there we are unless the President decides that we should have dialogue to see if we can hasten the process of return to democracy.

HILL: And that's what you'd like to see, the President to call people together and get elections sooner than 2014?

CHAUDHRY: What is bothering me is that there is absolutely no dialogue internally with the people's representatives, with political parties and others on this issue, there's absolutely no dialogue. And this is a matter of grave concern, because how would you have a satisfactory roadmap back to democracy worked out without dialogue and discussion? And now is the time to engage in that process. If the process is going to be stage managed then I'm afraid the outcome might not be as desirable as people might want to see it.

HILL: What about the state of the economy? Has the economy improved at all?

CHAUDHRY: Unfortunately no, the economy's still sliding and we've had three straight years of negative growth and our debt level has gone up considerably, it is a major issue now that the debt levels might be unsustainable. The poverty levels have also gone up in the last three-four years, and inflation is high. People are worse off today than they were probably three or four years ago.

Opinion, The Australian: Uncertainty makes Fiji a hard policy front

Jon Fraenkel
From: The Australian
May 18, 2011 12:00AM

WHAT should Australia do about Fiji?

More than four years after military commander Frank Bainimarama seized power, he shows little sign of allowing a return to democracy. Fiji's coup leader now doubles as military supremo and Prime Minister, while senior officers are positioned across the top echelons of the civil service. Parliament, the Great Council of Chiefs and the elected municipal councils have all been dissolved.

The economy has been in the doldrums for nearly five years. The sugar industry - once Fiji's staple exporter - is close to collapse and relies on annual bailouts from an increasingly debt-saddled government.

Against that bleak backdrop, some of Australia's think tanks have called for a reappraisal of policy towards Fiji.

The Lowy Institute urges Canberra to soften its hardline stance on Fiji's regime, and embrace Bainimarama's timetable for elections in September 2014.

The proposal was greeted ecstatically by Graham Davis, an Australia-based supporter of Bainimarama's government, who applauds the fact a "once-unthinkable high-level public split has emerged between Foreign Minister Kevin Rudd and the most prestigious Australian think tank on Melanesian affairs" ("Bainimarama exposes Rudd bankruptcy", 12/5).

The business-funded think tank warns of the threat posed by increasing Chinese investment in the Pacific, and urges Canberra to respond by focusing "more sharply on protecting Australia's long-term equities" in Fiji.

This call was immediately welcomed by the ANZ Bank - which has recently brokered a $F500 million ($262m) bond for the Fiji on the Asian money markets, and thus has a strong interest in the stability of the Bainimarama regime.

Unsurprisingly, the opponents of Bainimarama inside Fiji feel abandoned; the University of the South Pacific's Wadan Narsey accuses Australian think tanks of a sell-out.

The trouble with the think-tank policy pieces - including those of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute - is that none of them offer any analysis of what's going on in Fiji. Nor do they canvass possible future scenarios.

To calibrate policy towards Fiji surely it is necessary to establish where things are heading, or where they might possibly head.

Crucially, is Fiji veering towards a long-term authoritarian regime, as in Burma or under Suharto in Indonesia? If so, presumably the best policy would be to keep channels as open as possible and try to counter trends towards isolationism. Alternatively, is Fiji likely to re-democratise, or thirdly are we likely to see a cycle of coups and counter-coups?

Fiji had coups in 1987, 2000 and 2006, and Bainimarama's position within the military has at times looked shaky. Two of his most senior military commanders have recently been removed from their positions and hauled before the courts charged with planning a counter-coup. One of these, Uluilakeba Mara, escaped from Fiji aboard a Tongan naval vessel last week, and is now publicly calling for regime change.

All three scenarios for the future remain possible, and little is to be gained by accepting at face value the regime's assurances it will re-democratise in 2014. The think tanks depict Australian policy towards Fiji as rightfully omnipotent so that - where Canberra does not get its way - policy is deemed to have "failed", but this kind of grandstanding across the region has a poor record.

Lowy and ASPI both portray the stand-off between Australia and Bainimarama as somehow driving events in Fiji. Yet it is the clampdown on dissent within Fiji and the absence of meaningful domestic dialogue that prevents steps to break the deadlock.

The proposal to address that deadlock by embracing the September 2014 election date is depicted as an innovative foreign policy stance. In fact, it is merely a rehash of the failed approach - inspired by the Commonwealth's Millbrook Declaration - tried immediately after Fiji's 2006 coup. In early 2007, Australia, New Zealand, the European Union and the Pacific Islands Forum urged Fiji to accept a two-year "road map" towards elections by early 2009.

That allowed the aid money to keep flowing, and a joint working group was established to focus on the technical electoral issues, ignoring the politics.

Bainimarama initially promised elections by May 2009, but then publicly repudiated that assurance in mid-2008, clearly aware his regime lacked popular support. He abrogated Fiji's constitution in April 2009, and soon afterwards said elections would not be held until 2014.

If that latest promise were genuine, it might make sense now to accept this as the best of a set of bad options, and get behind the Fijian government's preparations, including the proposed constitutional review scheduled for 2012.

The trouble is this is no more genuine than the last promise of elections. Bainimarama is on record stating he will not allow any of Fiji's major political parties to contest the elections. What is the point of accepting at face value the 2014 election commitment if Bainimarama says he will not allow any of the major parties to participate?

Many of those who sympathise with Bainimarama like to depict the policy debate as being about whether Canberra should engage with Bainimarama. Of course there needs to be dialogue, but negotiations need to encourage the removal of draconian public emergency regulations and intense media censorship, the normalisation of diplomatic relationships, getting the soldier-civil servants back to barracks and - above all - kick-starting talks involving Fiji's civilian political leaders.

Jon Fraenkel is a Senior Research Fellow at the Australian National University

The Water Wars Continue

Further to our earlier revelations about Fiji Water being in the cross-hairs of the illegal and treasonous regime, we now see a relatively new Ba entrant in the artesian water commodity sector, preparing for the limelight of supremacy.

Radio Fiji's story showcases that Dayal is alleging that another Korean company in this sector (read: competitor) is being subjected to the same legal tricks that Fiji Water had to endure in 2008.

This Jay Dayal chap, and indeed his family, seems to have a long history in Fiji's extractive sector, and Mr Dayal was also recently fingered in the recent hardwood crisis.

Check out the frivolous claim for yourself:

Island Chill accuses KRC of stealing bottle design
Monday, May 23, 2011

The rift between local bottler Island Chill and the Korea Resort Company over a water source in Tavua has taken a sudden twist, with the local company accusing KRC of stealing their bottle design.

Last week Jay Dayal, Director of Island Chill told FBC News they were contemplating legal action against KRC for allegedly encroaching on their water catchment zone and drilling boreholes without proper approvals.

This morning Dayal told FBC News the bore holes had been sealed off but recent developments suggested that KRC allegedly used Island Chill’s bottle design and water in Brussels, Belgium to win an award earlier this year.

Dayal says the bottle shape is a trademark design of Island Chill and no approval of its use was given to Korean Resort Company by Dayals.

He says the bottle also bears the name “FIJI” exactly as on the Fiji Water bottle – alleging that it even infringes on Fiji Water’s trademark.

Dayal goes on to allege that the KRC label even has Island Chill’s barcode.

He says Island Chill will do all it can to ensure the issue is dealt with and to prevent local investors from being exploited. Attempts are underway to get a comment from KRC.

Report by: Roland Koroi

Illegal & Treasonous Bainimarama targets Lau

Amidst all the high profile drama concerning Lauan chief, Roko Ului Mara's escape from Bainimarama's clutches, and his subsequent change of heart, the illegal and treasonous Bainimarama sets the confederacy of Lau within his sights as the next heartland for a massive PR smear campaign against one of their own:

LAU NEXT: PM
writer : LOSALINI RASOQOSOQO
5/22/2011

Prime Minister Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama will visit the Lau Group next.

He confirmed this in Suva yesterday after arriving from his tour of Kadavu and Beqa.

“My visit to Lau is scheduled for next month,” Commodore Bainimarama said.

He said the purpose of his visit was to check on all Government projects but moreover to listen to what the people are saying.

This week Commodore Bainimarama toured Kadavu, visiting all the government projects and meeting people - who were able to raise their concerns and needs.

Commissioner Eastern Lieutenant-Colonel Neumi Leweni said the visit was similar to the Kadavu trip.

While it is understood, that Commodore Bainimarama will visit all islands in the Lau Group, Lieutenant-Colonel Leweni said they are yet to finalise the trip details.

Meanwhile, Commodore Bainimarama’s recent visit focused on children’s education.He said education was their first priority and his Government was out to see that they were assisted in any way possible.

Commodore Bainimarama had been on a four-day tour of Kadavu before finishing off in Beqa yesterday.

Naturally, Lau is also gearing themselves up for this visit and urging caution to the people of Lau. Read this message in the Fijian language from a group of elders from Lau calling themselves, Na Matua:

NAI VAKASALA BIBI
NI QARAUNA!  NA GATA VARASA ‘O VORE!!  BAINIMARAMA – ME SOKO WASA TAUMADAYANI KI VANUABALAVU, CICIYA, LAU-E-LOMA, QAI MURI SARA KI YASAYASA MOALA – OQORI NAI I LOKU NI NONA VEISIKO RARABA.

E Vica Na Taro Au Na Taroga Taumada Vei Iko Vore Bainimarama.

1.    Ni ko sa qai vakasivoya walega oqo na Gone Turaga Bale Vakatubu ni Vanua ko Lau ko Roko Ului ena “Coup 2006” – okoya ‘o a liutaki ira kina, ‘o beitaki koya vakailasu, sogoti koya ki vale ni veivesu, qai vakasasataki koya ki Kadavu me yacova ni qalowasa yani oqo ki Toga me bula kina mai na nomu vere vuni.

TARO:  A cava na i “Naki” ni nomu mai “veisiko”?  Ko cei na wekamu e tiko e Lau ko via mai sikova?  E tawa tiko beka na nomu “koroturaga” se lala tu?  Ke tawa tiko, ia e rairai era vakatawa tu ga na “KUTU” era “NO SCHOOL”  ‘okoya ‘o taura   “loto” tu kina na “RANK” kece ni Navy & RFMF ‘o sakitaka tu ena gauna oqo?

2.    KEMUNI NA TURAGA-BALE MAI NA VANUA KO LAU.  Eso na vuna bibi  e sega kina ni dodonu moni ciqoma na veisiko nei Frank Bainimarama sa lavaka tiko yani vei kemuni mai na Yatulau taucoko.  A nona sa valuta tiko qo ko Frank Bainimarama me vakarusa, vakamaduataka, vakarawataka ka vakadredretaka sara na bula vei iratou yadudua na Vuvale Vakaturaga-Vaka Tui na Yau na sala me ratou bula vinaka ka vakadeitaki talega kina.

3.    Sa vakacevatataka ko Frank Bainimarama na nodratou dui (Bank Account) – tekivu mai vei ratou na marama Adi Koila, Adi Ateca, & (others).

4.    Sa beitaki Roko Ului vakailasu tu ki na mataveilewai.

5.    E sega sara vei Frank Bainimarama na veidokai kei na vakarokoroko baleti kemuni na lewe ni yasana ko Lau – ena nona veitaliataka tu na nonai valavala ena i tikotiko vakaturaga rokovi, dokai, okoya e dau kilai tani kina na vanua ko Lau :- mai vei ira na Turaga Bale na Tui Nayau, na Tui lau.  (Ratu Sir Lala Sukuna kei Ratu Sir K. K. Mara).

6.    Sa vakasabusabutaka tu na noda i yau levu e Lau, ko ya na nona veisoliyaka tu vei ira na vulagi na “Leiseni” ni qolivi ni noda wasawasa – e bau talega kina vakasisisi ena dela ni ua ni vei baravi eso.

7.    E na nona sega ni kila se doka na bibi ni veiwekani, sa laki beitaka kina na Matanitu ko Toga me curuma vakaveitalia mai na wasawasa ni Matanitu ko Viti ena nona rogoca na kaci ni veivukei nei Cl Roko Ului.  E na ca ni lomana kei na vere ni yalona me baleta na nona bula, era sa biuti koya kina na Turaga ni Valu era sa raica rawa tiko na vunau ca ena tinia kina na Matanitu Vakaivalu nei Frank Bainimarama na nona i lakolako.


A CAVA MONI CAKAVA KE SA MANI YACO YANI KO FB?

1.    Oqori, e i lakolako vakamatanitu ki vei ira na nona vakailesilesi era tiko ena NOMUNI VANUA.  Me vakataki ira na Roko Ovisa, Vuniwai, Qasenivuli, ka so tale.

2.    Ko ira na vakailesilesi oqo vakamatanitu era na tavaki koya, qaravi koya, ka veivosaki kei koya me baleta na nodra cakacaka, kedra i sau, nodra i tikotiko kei na nodra veilesiyaki kina veivanua tale eso.

3.    E sega ni dodonu moni cakava vua e dua na veiqaravi vakaturaga vakavanua, ka ni “sega” ni turaga bale ni nomuni Vanua, ka segai vakatale ga kina ena nona vanua ko Kiuva.

4.    Ko Frank Bainimarama e lako tiko yani “vakavulagi” ki na nomuni veiyanuyanu vakaturaga mai Lau.  E dodonu mo ni namaki koya me laki sevusevu kina vanua, me na soli kina vua na galala me qarava na nona cakacaka vei ira na nona vakailesilesi mai Yatu Lau.

5.    E tu talega vei kemuni na i taukei ni veiyanuyanu yadua na dodonu moni ciqomi koya se sega ena rarama se butonuto ni ka sa cakava tiko kina noda vanua e daidai.  E na sega tale ga ni dua na leqa kevaka ko ni na sega ni ciqomi koya.

Sa dri yani

Lowy Institute gets a beat-down from REAL Pacific experts

We are not the only one's poo-pooing the Lowy Institute's erroneous views.

Tough talk with Fiji fails: Lowy
Tamara McLean, AAP South Pacific Correspondent
May 11, 2011
AAP

Australia's tough love policy on Fiji has failed, according to a new Lowy Institute briefing which urges Canberra to take Suva back into the fold.

Australia's leading think tank has issued a paper calling on Foreign Minister Kevin Rudd to stop his hardline approach to the troubled Pacific nation and instead work to "build confidence" in Fiji to guide it back towards democracy.

The cold shoulder approach, in place since the military staged a coup in 2006 and cemented by repeated delays to hold a democratic election, simply hasn't worked, it states.

Australia should forge stronger diplomatic ties inside the nation and amend travel restrictions to apply only to key members of the military-led regime rather than all of those connected with it.

Professor Jenny Hayward-Jones, director of the centre's Melanesia program, said the regime led by Commodore Frank Bainimarama had proven itself resistant to pressure so attempts to force Fiji back into line will only drive it further from Australia's sphere of influence and into the arms of China.

"Australian diplomacy has failed its own test," Professor Hayward-Jones wrote.

"Australia set itself the objective of applying sufficient pressure on the Fiji regime to force Bainimarama to hold elections. It has manifestly failed."

Her approach, she argues, will give more certainty that Cdre Bainimarama will hold elections in 2014 and return the country to democracy.

Her words have been met with cheers from Fiji-born journalist Graham Davis, who has blogged that it was high-time Mr Rudd accepted his hardline approach has turned Australia into a "regional bully".

The government now had the "dawning realisation that isolating Fiji has not only been pathetically ineffectual but has been utterly counter-productive in giving the increasingly more assertive Chinese a stronger foothold on Australia's back door," Mr Davis wrote.

However, several of Australia's best known Fiji academics disagree, saying any such engagement is both narrow-minded and dangerous.

Dr Jon Fraenkel, a Melanesian specialist at Australian National University in Canberra, said the Lowy paper offered no analysis, alternatives or possible outcomes, just a "strategy of accommodation" with Cdre Bainimarama.

"This is proposing that we reason with him, that we engage with a range of carrots but we already know that this won't work," Dr Fraenkel said.

The Lowy Institute's fears about Chinese economic advance in the Pacific were mostly "scare-mongering" as most Chinese involvement was about advancing China's commercial interests, Dr Fraenkel said.

The brief appeared to be more about protecting Australia's long term investment rather than offering a way out of the longterm Fiji impasse, he said.

"It narrowly focused on the Fiji-Australia relationship rather than Bainimarama's refusal to engage with his own people."

Dr Fraenkel also said Lowy's focus on 2014 elections was ridiculous as Cdre Bainimarama himself had already admitted the election would exclude almost all opposition parties.

"There has been this endless fetish with an election which, by the regime's own admission, won't be free and fair. What on earth is the point then of urging repeatedly that this election occurs?"

Another Pacific expert at Australian National University, Professor Brij Lal, agreed with Dr Fraenkel that further engagement with Fiji was a dangerous option.

"Bainimarama needs to engage with his citizens about the future before he should be able to enjoy engagement from outside parties like Australia and New Zealand," Prof Lal said.

"Anything else is putting the cart before the horse."

If Australia was to enter into dialogue "we would be playing straight into his hand, not to mention effectively sanctioning the public emergency regulations, draconian decrees, press censorship and the 2006 coup itself. We simply can't do it."

Australia rejects re-engaging directly with Fiji military regime: Radio Australia

On ya Rudd & Australia for sticking to your guns.

And before the illegal and military regime start crowing about their powers of persuasion in winning Australia over on Fiji's UN peacekeeping operations, we will bust that bubble quicksmart.

This very strategic move by Australia now places Bainimarama between a rock and a hard place. The more the RFMF are sent to the hotspots, it will over time weaken Bainimarama's primary power-base, a’la attrition warfare.

If Bainimarama is thinking right (if at all), he will seriously reconsider UN peacekeeping options for his troops, knowing the risks this poses to him in the short to medium-term, but which also presents him with even larger challenges, such as what to do to reward the the many idle and not-totally-loyal hands he commands.

The decisions to be taken by Bainimarama on this will be keenly watched -- especially by his troops.

Australia rejects re-engaging directly with Fiji military regime
Updated May 11, 2011 16:43:02

Australia's foreign minister Kevin Rudd says the boost to foreign aid is in Australia's national interest.

He's also rejected criticism from those who say the government should re-engage with Fiji's military regime.

In a policy reversal, he says Australia has decided not to object to Fiji contributing armed forces to the future UN assistance mission in Baghdad.

In the past, Australia has lobbied the United Nations in a bid to prevent Fiji taking part in new peacekeeping missions.

Mr Rudd also says Australia continues to engage with Fiji through the Commonwealth and Pacific Islands Forum.

Presenter: Presenter: Canberra Correspondent, Joanna McCarthy
Speaker: Kevin Rudd, Australia's foreign minister
Listen here.

RUDD: I think the first thing to say is that Australia delivers international development assistance to underpin Australia's national interests, which are about our national security interest, particularly in our own region, in South East Asia and the south west Pacific. It's also in our national interest because if we have stronger economies in our region through development assistance cooperation, it helps Australia's national economic development itself. And thirdly, we have an interest, together with countries around the world enhancing what we call the global order, which means that when you have real poverty around the world, together with other countries you can make a difference and in recent decades hundreds-of-millions of people have been lifted out of poverty. So we see this as consistent with Australia's national interest. Furthermore, we made a commitment that we'd increase our overseas development assistance cooperation to zero-point-five per cent of gross national income by 2015--16. It is sensible to bring this about step-by-step between now and then, rather than some mad rush towards the end. We think therefore this is the reasonable, responsible approach.

McCARTHY: The Pacific land program has been cut from the budget. Why is that?

RUDD: Well, we've always said we want value for money and we want an effective aid program. We have stringent mechanisms in Aus Aid, our international development agency to evaluate the progress of each individual program. This one didn't cut the mustard and so I made no bones about it, but if you're not cutting the mustard, you cut the program and you redirect those funds to other funds which are effective. Furthermore, the task which was set for that particular program to do with land reform in the South Pacific, which is important for long term economic development there will be absorbed within the existing country programs under the aid budget throughout Melanesia and beyond.

McCARTHY: So does that mean there is an additional boost to those individual country budgets to accommodate that land reform program?

RUDD: It'll be, well our overall aid to the South Pacific continues to increase and you'll see that from the overall numbers. But when we say absorb it within the existing country programs, that task of long term land reform will be undertaken as part of our overall governance reform programs within the South Pacific countries.

McCARTHY: The budget statement on aid says Fiji's poverty is increasing and the key sectors, like the sugar industry are declining and there is an uncertain future under the military government. You yourself have said there's been no measurable change, no progress towards democracy since the 2006 coup. Many observers and the Opposition are calling for you to re-engage with Fiji. What indications do you have that the current approach is working?

RUDD: I think the first thing to put in mind is that the coup that has occurred in Fiji is no ordinary coup. People often diminish its significance. The Constitution has been suspended, opposition political figures have been arrested, the freedom of the press has been suspended, journalists have been harassed, some of them expelled, civil society leaders, including church leaders have also been harassed and some of them prohibited from attending public meetings. This is no ordinary "coup". Let's bare that in mind. I think the second point is this. It is the view of the Pacific Island Forum, not just Australia, it's the view of the Commonwealth of Nations, all 53 of them that the Fijian regime has not made sufficient steps towards the restoration of democracy. This is not a uniquely Australian view. It's shared throughout the entire Commonwealth, developed and developing countries alike. On our engagement with Fiji, again that proposition is wrong. We engage with Fiji through the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group, we engage with Fiji of course through the Ministerial Contact Group of the Pacific Island Forum. That proposition is not right, but what we do need to see is real concrete moves on the part of Fijians. One other thing about Fiji, our development assistance aid to Fiji has increased this year. We remain the largest single donor to Fiji's development assistance program. On top of that, there are no bans on travel or tourism by Australians to Fiji and the tourism industry is critical for their country's future. There are no economic sanctions against the Fijian economy imposed by Australia. There are individual travel sanctions against the leaders of the coup regime. I think that's the right and normal approach. So therefore let's put all this in context. And one final thing on Fiji, Fiji, for example, around the world, from time to time engages in assistance to the United Nations in various peacekeeping operations and recently, there's been a discussion in the international community about the Fijian armed forces contributing to the future security assistance mission in Baghdad around the UN mission in Iraq. And taking all factors into account and while we normally prefer democracy to do this sort of work, we Australia have decided all factors considered, not to object to this. So I think there may be an interest on the part of some in Fiji, to say that these measures by us are excessively harsh. We are highly critical of the regime's approach to democracy. As you can see from the other things I've said, the arteries of economic engagement are open and political engagement through the relevant mechanisms of the Commonwealth and Pacific Island Forum. Our argument is not with the Fijian people. It's with those who have led this military coup.

McCARTHY: As prime minister, you closed the Manus Island Processing Centre. We now understand that you've held talks with Sir Michael Somare about reopening it. Why was Manus Island bad policy then, but good policy now?

RUDD: The first thing to say is that the critical agreement that we have reached and I've participated in these negotiations as foreign minister has been the regional framework agreement concluded in Bali about six weeks ago. Why is that critical to any discussion of an individual processing centre within the region? First and foremost, because the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the International Office of Migration are now fully engaged and fully supportive of that regional framework agreement. That was not the case before when the Howard Government acted unilaterally, rather than multilaterally. Secondly, the Bali regional framework agreement also has a mechanism for the buy in of all regional states. It was a statement made by the chairman of that conference, myself and the foreign minister of Indonesia, which has application to all regional countries, should they choose to engage in processing arrangements. And thirdly, that agreement itself specifically, specifically made reference to the possibility of processing centres by states if they agreed with one another to have such centres. So you ask what is different? That Bali regional processing framework, that Bali regional framework agreement is something we only put together six weeks ago, after many, many years of negotiation.

Bainimarama's desperation for UN peacekeeping opportunities becomes more apparent

The pressure is on for the illegal and treasonous military regime to perform miracles on the increasing risk of their military folks in retaining employment in the UN peacekeeping operations.

So much so, that the Fiji Ambassador (and military supporter) in NY is doing the rounds and holding meetings to talk-up Fiji's peacekeeping prowess.

They might want to take a hint from the fate suffered by Lt. Colonel Orisi Rabukawaqa, early last year.

Timely salute for Fiji Army in Baghdad
writer : Source: MINISTRY OF INFORMATION
5/11/2011

Fiji’s men and women of the Republic of Fiji Military Forces 1st Battalion serving in Baghdad are doing a difficult job in a dangerous environment and holding Fiji’s name high.

In thanking them, Fijian Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Ambassador Peter Thomson said they were meeting standards of excellence expected of them.

Ambassador Thomson said he had heard nothing but praise from UN representatives in New York and Iraq for the battalion’s conduct of duties.

Ambassador Thomson was in Iraq from May 3 to 7 visiting the 1st Battalion, RFMF, at its Baghdad garrisons.

The United Nations Mission to Iraq (UNAMI) is protected by the UN Guard Unit (UNGU) made up of the 1st Battalion, at a strength of 223 Fijians led by Colonel Netani Rika.

Fiji’s Ambassador told UNGU he was in Iraq to show them the respect they deserved and to thank them on behalf of the Government and people of Fiji for their service.

With the draw-down of US Forces from Iraq he said the United Nations had to increase its security services for UNAMI. Accordingly Ambassador Thomson said he was in Baghdad for talks with UNAMI officials and to take the opportunity to inspect UNGU conditions on the ground.

The RFMF’s 1st Battalion has been in Iraq since 2004. It is tasked with guarding the facilities and personnel of the United Nations as they undertake their work of assisting the Iraqi people rebuild their nation after many decades of war.

Bainimarama fiddles, while Fiji's economy teeters

While the economy continues to falter, teeter and asphyxiates, Fiji's self-styled illegal and treasonous Bainimarama see's fit to tinker with the soft issues, and undertake a lead role on a campaign against "non communicable diseases" (NCD's) in New York -- where it is easier to hide from the hard issues that the people of Fiji need solutions for.

Don't get us wrong. The health of Fiji's citizens is critical but the key requirement here is money. And the military regime is fresh out of options on that front.

PM to lead NCD fight
writer : ILIESA TORA
5/11/2011

Prime Minister Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama will be invited to lead Fiji’s Non-Communicable Diseases (NCDs) team to the NCD High Level meeting in New York in September.

He is also going to be approached to become the NCD Champion for Fiji.

Health Minister Dr Neil Sharma confirmed yesterday that the invitation for the high-level New York meeting will come from the United Nations and the World Health Organisation.

The New York meeting is a follow-up to the recent WHO NCD Summit in Russia, which Dr Sharma attended.

The Russia summit agreed that political leaders need to be involved in the fight against NCDs, with the New York meeting planned as the first ‘get together’ where leaders will be asked to lead the fight against NCDs in their respective countries.

"There needs to be a strong political and social will regionally to continue the fight against Non Communicable Diseases (NCDs)," Dr Sharma said.

"We need to have leaders who can become NCD champions. We are going to approach the Prime Minister to be the Fiji champion, similar to the role played by the President for the HIV/AIDS programme."

Dr Sharma said there needed to be a united campaign against NCDs. Figures recorded by the Ministry showed the battle cannot be won without a united front.

Dr Sharma said in Fiji, just under 20 per cent of the population were patients of hypertension.

"Sixteen per cent of the population are diabetic and do not care for themselves. Only 50 per cent know of their conditions and 10 per cent are in adequate control.

"Despite, the provision of medication, advice on active lifestyles with diet, exercise and advice on reduction of alcohol, tobacco, national statistics show that we are not progressing. Individuals continue to deny that they are suffering from diabetes and resort to all sorts of traditional measures without results.

"Too many patients continue to fool health care providers by turning up to clinics and lying about their control of sugar. Some alter their records,” he said. "Point taken that the clinics are large and busy. Patients want universal cover and free medication."

He said kidney end stage disease is only cared for by dialysis and transplants. Dialysis in Fiji has been provided by the Kidney Foundation of Fiji (KFOF). The Government grants to KFOF are intended for use on the poor patients for a three-month period with a view to progressing them to renal transplant if they can afford it overseas.

He said people should eat in moderation, locally-grown food low in fats and oils.

"Exercise regularly, plant your own vegetables, root crops and fruit in your backyard gardens. Reduce your grog, alcohol intake and stop smoking tobacco products," he said.

"As a nation we're becoming obese, physically unhealthy and developing hypertension and diabetes mellitus. The complications of these diseases lead us to end up with kidney and heart diseases. We are dying prematurely," Dr Sharma said.

 

Air Pacific staft to be cut loose

Couched once again in the "goebbellian" double-speak that Bainimarama's military regime excels in, staff of Air Pacific will be thrown under a bus and made to feel good about this MAJOR loss of livelihood, as if a redundancy pay-out is the offer of a life-time.

Of course the kow-towing padding by the regime sympathizers and "pretend media", the Fiji Sun helps.

Despite all their hype, we knew way back in March last year, that the systematic dismantling of all the major "sovereign" sectors in Fiji by the military regime was on the cards.

It might be advisable for all frequent travellers to avoid Air Pacific as they undergo these developments, to avoid joining the chorus of complaints about their service, or lack thereof.

We love Air Pacific dearly, but in these times, it is advisable to ensure that customers value for money is paramount, over progressing the military regime's agenda.

AIR PAC GIVES STAFF OFFER
writer : EPINERI VULA
5/11/2011

National carrier Air Pacific yesterday began telling its staff of generous options available to them as it restructures and downsizes work force numbers.

They include up to near half a year of severance pay, and continuing travel benefits on the national airline.

Reports indicate that managing director/Chief Executive Officer Dave Pflieger yesterday began advising all Fiji staff of the extensive voluntary staff reduction programme.

Staff were apparently briefed that the loss-making national airline is restructuring to ensure it can return to sustainable profitability in the face of growing pressure from increasing fuel prices and competition from low-cost carriers such as Virgin/Pacific Blue and Jetstar.

Officials were not available for comments before this edition went to press.

But as reported earlier, Mr Pflieger appears focused on rebuilding the company to ensure lower costs, better customer service and industry best practices.

Air Pacific has apparently noted that because of the critical nature of their roles, pilots and engineers are not eligible to apply for these voluntary release programmes.

The company, which has already eliminated 20 per cent of its senior management positions in this restructure, is believed to have offered three options to its Fiji staff.

1: Early Retirement Programme for employees 50 years and over, who have a minimum of 10 years of service to Air Pacific. Applications accepted for this programme will receive the equivalent of 24 weeks (approximately six months) of severance pay; payment for any accrued annual leave; payment for any long service leave earned but not yet taken; retiree travel benefits and continuation of medical insurance for six months from the date of retirement.

2: A Voluntary Separation Programme for employees who have three years or more of service.

Applicants accepted will receive their choice of the better of two options:

(a) The opportunity to permanently separate from Air Pacific with the equivalent of 24 weeks (approximately six months) of severance pay, payment for any accrued annual leave, payment for any long service leave earned and two ID90 travel passes for the employee and eligible family members per year for five years from the date of separation, and;

(b) Whatever payout would be required in the case of redundancy set out in their employment contract or collective bargaining agreement

3. Redundancies. While the company hopes to reduce the number of involuntary job reductions, a number of additional roles and positions are expected to be permanently eliminated. The invitation to apply for these voluntary separation programmes is apparently open until May 30. It is believed the company hopes to finalise all applications and advise each applicant on the status of their application by June 13.

Civil Service job cuts looms closer

Couched in what is now normal "double-speak" in Fiji, the impending second round of job cuts within the civil  service that caught our attention in March this year looms nearer and is now neatly phrased as a civil service "review".

This MUST be what the acting DPS for Information, and military kow-tower, Setaita Natai (who is btw doing a marvellous job in being the face of the still MIA Sharon Goebel Smith-Johns) means when people must be "pro-Fiji" --  another classic double-speak feat of idiocy.

Phase one complete in civil service review
Friday, May 06, 2011

The first phase of the review of the civil service to determine its size and resource allocation has been completed says Public Service Commission chairman Josefa Serulagilagi.

Serulagilagi says a draft report has been compiled and consultations on the findings and recommendations were completed last week with the ministries that were viewed.

He adds the Functional Review Project team is now assessing the comments and incorporating them in a report before it is presented to the Commission and to the Prime Minister.

Seruilagilagi says the functional review project will examine the current functions of Ministries in order to determine what functions are essential and which ones are not.

Non-essential functions will be recommended for divestment through outsourcing, commercialization or transfer to other Government agencies.

From the divestment and merging of functions, he adds Government would be able to focus on cost savings through a reduction in numbers and other related costs apart from salaries and wages.

The first phase of the review involved the five major ministries of Government and included Health, Education, Transport Works and Public Utilities, Agriculture and Fisheries and Forests.

Report by: Roland Koroi

'FNPF symposium another farce' - Professor Wadan Narsey

We are compelled to reproduce here, compliments of our fellow bloggers at C4.5, another outstanding point of view by Prof Narsey on the upcoming FNPF charade of an exercise that we also noted with interest.

'FNPF symposium another farce'
Saturday, May 7, 2011
By Professor Wadan Narsey

The Bainimarama Military Regime will  this week announce more nails for our FNPF coffin.

While they ruthlessly maintain a draconian media censorship, Frank Bainimarama and Aiyaz Sayed Khaiyum will organize a charade of a “Symposium on The Future of FNPF”.

There will be a panel discussion by “experts”, discussing recommendations by unknown and unaccountable consultants from IMF, World Bank, ILO, etc advocating changes to the FNPF structure, operations and pension rates.

The symposium will be used to ratify that the FNPF is not financially sustainable at the current pension rate of 15% (single) and must be reduced by a massive 40% to 9% (single).

It will also be encouraged to conclude that the contribution rate by employees should be increased from the current 16% of your wages and salary to perhaps 20%, as other model countries in the world such as Singapore practice.

But this “symposium” will all be a big farce, a pretence at “public consultation”, much like the Charter Charade organized by Bainimarama, John Samy and Petero Mataca.

We all know the Bainimarama Regime will make all the decisions.

The Bainimarama Regime will continue to hide all the reports that would reveal that they are themselves responsible for a large part of the mess that the FNPF is currently in.

The Bainimarama Regime will continue to milk the FNPF cow, which, with increased contributions and reduced payouts, will give them even more  of our savings to use ad misuse, however they wish.

You, the contributors to FNPF and the pensioners of FNPF, will have no choice in the matter.

With media censorship, you can't even publicly and freely discuss these massive changes to your pension fund.

But you could go and speak your mind at the Bainimarama/Khaiyum Symposium Charade this coming week.  Know the facts before you go.

Why the reduction in pension rate?
For several years now, there have been studies done by IMF, World Bank, ILO etc that argued that FNPF could not sustain the 15% single pension rate over the long term. And given the long term declining performance of the FNPF investments, the 15% pension rate may have been a little on the high side.  But we don’t know why.

For every FNPF management team and board for the last fifteen years (including the appointees by Rabuka, Chaudhry, Qarase and Bainimarama), have arrogantly refused to make these studies public.

The public will not know whether the data and the analysis are accurate, and whether the recommendations are justified.

But they should know two reasons why the pension rates are being recommended to go down as low as 9%: first, the economic stagnation over the last four years directly caused by the Bainimarama coup of 200; and second, FNPF’s disastrous investments and board decisions during the last four years of Bainimarama’s rule.

Bainimarama and his military officers, and all the coup collaborators, are partly to blame, for the planned reduction in pension rates.

When Bainimarama and his Fiji Military Forces (our former security guards) treasonously took over the country in 2006, they also took over the Fiji National Provident Fund.

Without any reference to you, the owners of the FNPF, they changed the senior management and the board. They appointed new board members to all the FNPF subsidiaries like ATH and its subsidiary companies.

Some of these new board members made decisions which led to financial disasters such as the lost money through unwise loans and expenditure decisions at Natadola (more than $300 million?), Momi ($80 million?), GPH ($30 million?), FSC ($100 million?) and potentially other disasters such as at Tappoo City ($30 million?) and bad loans forced upon entities such as FDB.

How much is the Bainimarama Regime to blame?  We don’t know because they won’t release the reports on these financial disasters.

But we know for sure, the Bainimarama Military Regime has helped to destroy the sugar industry by turning down $300 million of EU aid available in 2006 for the sugar industry reform and restructuring, and badly managing an $100 million Indian loan for FSC mill refit, which resulted in even lower milling efficiency.

We know that the Bainimarama regime has for five years freely run massive budget deficits because of huge over-expenditure on the military itself, all funded by increasing the Public Debt, largely financed with enforced loans from FNPF at low rates of interest (around 5% at the margin).

We also know that a few months ago, Bainimarama and Khaiyum, with the irresponsible complicity of ANZ,  showed their financial skills by proudly borrowing $500 million in foreign bonds at 9% while turning down an IMF loan at 2% (Yang, the IMF rep in Fiji stated there were very few conditions).

We know that with investments drying up because of Bainimarama’s arbitrary Military Decrees, there has been minimal economic growth, minimal job creation, minimal new contributors to the FNPF.

The lack of economic growth has also meant that there are few bankable projects in the private sector for FNPF to lend to.

Instead, the FNPF has been forced by the Reserve Bank to bring back its income earning foreign investments, with the lost income going through the RBF into the control of the Military Government.

On the other side, the outgoings from the FNPF have been increasing not only because of pension or lump sums to be paid to those retiring, but also because of withdrawals by members for education and health reasons, due to increased hardship.

For many years the FNPF Annual Report used to state that their target earnings rate was 2 percentage points above the rate of inflation.

That statement is not made any more in the FNPF Annual Reports, because they have failed to achieve their target (what a pathetic management tactic: when you fail to achieve your KPIs, get rid of your KPIs!).

Indeed, for this year, the rate of inflation may be as high as 7% while the FNPF average return is less than 6%.  Our FNPF savings are going backwards.

As we have been warning since 2006, the FNPF is in deep trouble.

No transparency, no accountability
The FNPF Annual Reports, signed by the FNPF Board and senior management all claim to be transparent and accountable to the FNPF Members.

What a pack of lies.

For more than three years now, I have asked FNPF management to make available the reports by WB, IMF, ILO and other recent consultants, or the recent reports on the financial mismanagement of the investments at Natadola and Momi.

They have all bluntly refused- they are simply afraid to lose their jobs.

The Bainimarama/Khaiyum Regime will not tolerate any transparency or accountability of the FNPF to the public, whatever are the lies they propagate in their People’s Charter.

Just as they refuse to make public the Annual Auditor General’s Reports on the military government’s expenditure and revenues over the last five years; or to allow an audit of the Regimental Funds; or to explain why they are paying themselves more than half a million in salaries each through a private accounting firm.

Coup costs usually out of sight
When an economy suffers because of a military coup, it is difficult to identify and quantify the costs, especially when the economy recovers pretty quickly, as in 1987 and 2000.

But the economy has not recovered after the 2006 coup. Our 2011 GDP, even if we to manage the projected 2.8% growth this year, will just about recover to our GDP in 2006.

We have therefore lost four years of economic growth, costing us anywhere between $1 billion to $2 billion, not even including the huge losses in property values.

The banks know that many businesses, big and small, are struggling; FIRCA is struggling to increase revenues, despite the increase in VAT; many government ministries like  education and health are struggling to maintain their budgets; and there is little money available to fix up roads, water and sewerage.

Some may point to the increased numbers of beggars in the streets, despite official efforts to keep them out of sight; or the increased numbers of suicides and attempted suicides, or increased incidence of mental health problems.

But these costs are very difficult to quantify and relate to the 2006 coup.

But costs to FNPF are now clear
This week, we FNPF contributors and pensioners (including coup supporters) will see very clearly how the military coup by Bainimarama and his supporters, are harming us.

Single pension rates will be reduced from 15% to 9%; double pension rates will be reduced from 12% to 7%.

This reduction in pensions will harm all civil servants, including all the treasonous military officers and soldiers who have conveniently forgotten their oaths of office, and blindly supported Bainimarama and his coup while enjoying their ill-gotten gains.

Existing pensioners (including coup supporters) will also know that their current pension rates will be reduced and capped: they can weep and wail all they like that FNPF signed and sealed a legal agreement with them, when they retired.

But evil people who can treasonously remove a lawfully elected government can also change the conditions of any legal contract: all they need is another military decree signed by the illegal immoral Military President, who many times has sworn sacred oaths on the Bible, to protect the people of Fiji.

We should know by now, that our basic human rights, such as the protection by law, freedom of speech and assembly, all mean nothing to Bainimarama, Khaiyum, Nailitikau, the military officers and illegal ministers in an illegal Military Government.

We should know by now that our basic human rights also mean nothing to the dozens of prominent businessmen, clergy, professionals, social leaders, and all the coup supporters and collaborators who have helped to legitimate and keep the Bainimarama Regime in power since 2006.

We should known by now that the softening by our traditional donors and Australian “think tanks” towards the Bainimarama Regime is driven by their worries about China  displacing them in the Pacific, not so much our own welfare.

We are all on our own.  We can watch our FNPF be gutted.

Do we owners of FNPF, who have never protested against this evil regime, we who have continued to socialize and tolerate all the coup collaborators and supporters, deserve what we get?

Adam Smith’s selfishness not good for Fiji
In economics, there has been a very strong idea, originating from Adam Smith more than two hundred years ago, that if every individual acted selfishly in his own self interest, the free market economy will perform efficiently, to the ultimate benefit of everyone in the economy.

This principle is totally wrong in Fiji’s politics and society today.

It is abundantly clear that many of our people understand the evil consequences of this Bainimarama coup for Fiji and its people.

It is clear that they say nothing and do nothing, because they think it is in their self-interest not to do so, in case they are personally victimized by the Bainimarama regime.

But if we all behave selfishly and refuse to oppose the treasonous Bainimarama coup; if all our military and police officers accept and obey their treasonous, illegal and immoral superiors;  if we all live in our business, professional, religious, social, and sports boxes and refuse to confront and ostracize the coup supporters and collaborators amongst us; then the resulting Fiji is going to be a nightmare for our citizens, especially the poorest amongst us.

Adam Smith’s advocacy of individual selfishness is proving to be disastrous for our FNPF, and for Fiji.

What options?
Who knows?  Perhaps even at this late stage in our demise as a free people, we might want to go to the FNPF Symposium Charade being organised by the Bainimarama/Khaiyum Regime and:

1) Demand the public release of all the reports by IMF, WB, ILO and recent independent consultants;

2) Demand the release of all the reports on the investigation into the investments at Natadola,  Momi, etc

3) Demand that the majority of the FNPF Board Members must be democratically elected by the current FNPF contributors and with pensioners having separate elected representation.

4) Demand that the Chairman of the Board must be from these elected Members and definitely not some foreigner as currently.
 
5) Demand that any decision on changes to the FNPF must be made by the elected Board and not the current Board and Management.

6) Demand that FNPF must be allowed to invest as much of its funds abroad as is prudently advisable and that RBF must recompense FNPF for all the lost earnings because of foreign investments brought back.

7)  Demand that the FNPF management swear oaths of allegiance to the real owners of the Fund- you the contributors and the pensioners, and not to a treasonous Military Government;

Also part of our struggle to regain our basic human rights, also

8)  Publish the full list of coup collaborators and supporters in Fiji and abroad, so that all FNPF contributors and pensioners can see who are collectively responsible, with Bainimarama and Khaiyum, for the massive blows to our pension fund;

9)  Start teaching our children to not take part in the daily charade by treasonous people illegally pretending to be  Prime Ministers, Ministers, Attorney General, President, and First Ladies, etc.

10)  Call on Australia and NZ to take sanctions against all their citizens who have supported the treasonous military coup in Fiji and the continuing plunder of the tax-payers of Fiji,  and the gutting of our FNPF.

11)  Appeal to those current and former military officers who have retained any vestige of allegiance to their military oaths, honor, ethics, and patriotism, to call on Bainimarama and his ministers to resign from government and give it back to civilian rule, immediately, not in 2014.

If we continue to remain docile and quiet under oppression, we deserve everything we get, while condemning our children to a bleak future.